Introduce a Fair Politics Act and reform democracy

Equal treatment & democratic rights — Helps

moderate · moderate confidence

This package of reforms would expand who can vote, make elections fairer, and reduce government influence over the electoral watchdog — all of which strengthen equal treatment and democratic rights. The biggest uncertainty is whether the most transformative changes (PR, elected Lords) would actually be delivered in a single parliament.

The evidence

• The policy commits to repealing the Elections Act 2022 and restoring Electoral Commission independence. — greenparty.org.uk (manifesto) — “repealing the Elections Act 2022, restoring Electoral Commission powers”
• The Elections Act 2022 required the Electoral Commission to 'have due regard' to a government-set strategy and policy statement, which the Commission itself criticised as inconsistent with its independent role. — electoral-reform.org.uk (media) — “"inconsistent with the role that an independent electoral commission plays in a healthy democratic system"”
• Restoring Electoral Commission powers would remove government ability to direct the Commission's priorities, which analysts argue is critical to public trust in elections. — spotlightcorruption.org (media) — “Analysts from organisations like Spotlight on Corruption argue that such a restoration is "critical" to safeguarding UK democracy and public trust in elections, ensuring the Commission operates free from political influe…”
• The Elections Act 2022 introduced compulsory photo ID for in-person voting, and approximately 5% of the voting-age population lacked valid voter ID, disproportionately affecting certain socio-economic groups, women, and young people. — electoralintegrityproject.com (media) — “approximately 5% of the voting-age population lacked valid voter identification, disproportionately affecting certain socio-economic groups, women, and young people”
• At the 2024 General Election, 72% of poll workers reported turning away at least one elector due to lack of appropriate ID. — electoralintegrityproject.com (media) — “At the UK 2024 General Election, 72% of poll workers reported turning away at least one elector due to lack of appropriate ID”
• The policy would give 16 and 17-year-olds the right to vote and stand for election. — greenparty.org.uk (manifesto) — “giving 16 and 17-year-olds the right to vote and stand for election”
• Currently 16 and 17-year-olds can vote in Scottish and Welsh devolved elections but not UK Parliament or English local elections, creating an inconsistency. — commonslibrary.parliament.uk (government) — “16 and 17-year-olds can vote in Scottish Parliament and local elections in Scotland and Wales, but the voting age for UK Parliament elections and English local elections remains 18”
• Extending the vote to 16 and 17-year-olds would expand the electorate by approximately 1.3 million in England and 48,000 in Northern Ireland. — commonslibrary.parliament.uk (government) — “Approximately 1.3 million 16- and 17-year-olds in England and 48,000 in Northern Ireland would gain the right to vote”
• The policy introduces residence-based voting rights, extending the franchise beyond nationality. — greenparty.org.uk (manifesto) — “introducing residence-based voting rights”
• There were an estimated 4.4 million unenfranchised adults in the UK in 2025, up from 2.3 million in 2011. — politicalquarterly.org.uk (media) — “There were an estimated 4.4 million unenfranchised adults in the UK in 2025, an increase from 2.3 million in 2011”
• Extending voting rights to all legal residents would make democracy more inclusive by giving a voice to those who contribute to society regardless of nationality. — politicalquarterly.org.uk (media) — “Proponents argue it creates a more inclusive democracy, giving a voice to individuals who contribute to society and are affected by political decisions, regardless of their nationality”
• The policy would replace first-past-the-post with proportional representation for UK parliamentary elections. — greenparty.org.uk (manifesto) — “replacing first-past-the-post with proportional representation”
• PR would lead to Parliament where seats more closely reflect national vote share, unlike FPTP which can produce large majorities on a minority of votes. — pin-communications.com (media) — “PR would lead to a Parliament where the number of seats a party wins more closely reflects its national vote share, unlike FPTP which can produce large majorities on a minority of the vote”
• The policy commits to replacing the unelected House of Lords with an elected second chamber. — greenparty.org.uk (manifesto) — “replacing the House of Lords with an elected second chamber”
• The House of Lords is currently unelected with over 800 members, making it the second-largest legislative chamber in the world after China's National People's Congress. — constitutionnet.org (media) — “The House of Lords is currently an unelected chamber with over 800 members, making it the second-largest legislative chamber in the world (after China's National People's Congress)”
• An elected second chamber would gain democratic legitimacy, addressing long-standing criticisms of its unelected nature. — electoral-reform.org.uk (media) — “An elected second chamber would gain democratic legitimacy, addressing long-standing criticisms of its unelected nature”

Biggest unknown: Whether the most structurally significant commitments — replacing FPTP with PR and abolishing the Lords — could realistically be legislated and implemented within one parliamentary term, or would remain aspirational.

Our reading: This policy bundle touches O9 across several dimensions — all pointing toward expanded democratic rights and equal treatment in the electoral system. On equal franchise: repealing voter ID requirements would reverse a measure that demonstrably excluded marginalised groups from voting (5% lacking ID, 72% of polling stations turning people away). Extending the vote to 16–17-year-olds removes an age-based exclusion already resolved inconsistently across UK nations, and residence-based voting addresses the 4.4 million unenfranchised legal residents — a substantial democratic gap that has grown significantly since 2011. On democratic integrity: restoring Electoral Commission independence removes a government power that the Commission itself, and international observers, criticised as incompatible with an independent electoral watchdog. This directly strengthens the rule-of-law / fair-process dimension of O9. On representational fairness: replacing FPTP with PR would make vote-to-seat conversion far more equal across parties and regions, reducing the structural skew whereby a minority of votes can produce outright majorities. Replacing the Lords with an elected chamber removes an unelected 800-member body from the legislative process. The cumulative direction is clearly 'improves' for O9. Magnitude is moderate rather than major because: (a) PR and Lords reform are long-term legislative projects with genuine delivery uncertainty within one parliament; (b) effects on equal treatment are real but incremental (these are procedural reforms, not reversals of substantive discrimination); (c) some evidence on PR is genuinely contested (fragmentation risk), though this is more relevant to O13/O15 than to O9's equal-treatment metric. Confidence is moderate given that the most transformative elements carry significant implementation uncertainty.