Show the Working

Introduce Martyn's Law

Conservative · what the evidence says

An independent, source-checked look at Conservative’s policy “Introduce Martyn's Law” — what it would actually do across the things that affect your life. Every claim below quotes the source behind it. How this works.

Personal liberty & free speech — Hurts

minor · moderate confidence

Martyn's Law requires thousands of venues to implement security measures including CCTV, access controls, and bag searches, imposing new state-backed compliance mandates on businesses and exposing individuals to increased surveillance and physical checks. The liberty cost is real but proportionate in scope, and the law has already received Royal Assent.

The evidence

Biggest unknown: Whether the 'proportionate steps' standard will be interpreted broadly or narrowly in practice — a strict interpretation across all 279,000 venues would significantly amplify the surveillance and intrusion burden on ordinary people.

Our reading: O10 is the home for negative liberty: new state-backed mandates, surveillance, and coercive compliance powers score as 'worsens' here, even if they plausibly improve safety (O5). Martyn's Law imposes legally enforceable compliance obligations on a very large number of venues — over 279,000 — spanning nearly every type of public space. For Enhanced Tier premises, the law specifically mandates CCTV, access controls, and bag searches: each is a direct intrusion on individual visitors (surveillance, physical search). The standard tier, while requiring no physical measures, still creates a compliance and training mandate on operators. The law thus introduces new state-backed coercion in two directions: on businesses (mandatory compliance duties) and on members of the public (exposure to routine surveillance and physical checks they cannot avoid without avoiding public life). The magnitude is assessed as minor rather than moderate because: the measures are described as 'proportionate'; the standard tier imposes no physical intrusions; and bag searches and CCTV already exist in many venues without a legal mandate. The law formalises and extends existing practice rather than creating a wholly new surveillance architecture. Confidence is moderate because the implementation detail (how strictly 'proportionate' is interpreted across 279,000 venues) is not yet settled, and the RPC itself found the impact assessment not fit for purpose, meaning the real-world scope of intrusion remains genuinely uncertain.

Crime, justice & national security — Helps

moderate · moderate confidence

Martyn's Law requires venues across the UK to prepare for terrorist attacks through risk assessments, security plans, and staff training — a broad, statutory improvement to protective security. The main caveat is that evidence on whether these requirements actually reduce casualties is contested, especially for smaller venues.

The evidence

Biggest unknown: Whether the preparedness requirements — particularly for smaller standard-tier venues with no physical security obligations — translate into meaningfully reduced harm in a real attack.

Our reading: Martyn's Law introduces a statutory framework for terrorist attack preparedness across a very wide range of venues — a meaningful structural improvement for O5. For enhanced-tier venues, the requirements are substantive: risk assessments, physical security measures, security plans, and trained senior leads. This represents a real uplift in protective readiness for high-footfall locations such as large arenas, stadiums, and hospitals. The law's origins in the Manchester Arena Inquiry give it a direct evidential anchor: the inquiry identified failures of preparedness that cost lives, and the legislation directly targets those gaps. However, the approximately 279,000 standard-tier smaller venues face only soft preparedness obligations with no physical security requirement. The RPC explicitly found insufficient evidence that these low-level activities would reduce terrorism, which limits confidence that the policy's broadest coverage actually moves the safety needle. The policy's effect on O5 is therefore strongest in the enhanced tier and more uncertain for the standard tier. Absent the policy, there is no statutory baseline for venue preparedness, so the regime is genuinely additional. The time horizon is long-term given the 24-month minimum implementation period before it comes into force. Overall, the direction is improves — a statutory preparedness requirement covering thousands of venues represents a real enhancement to national protective security posture — but magnitude is moderate rather than major because the largest tranche of venues has weak obligations and evidence of population-scale effect on attack outcomes is not established.